迷亂時(shí)代：來(lái)自歐洲社會(huì )學(xué)家的沉思與吶喊

——歐洲社會(huì )學(xué)協(xié)會(huì )第十屆大會(huì )紀要

歐洲社會(huì )學(xué)協(xié)會(huì )第十屆大會(huì )從2011年9月7-10日在瑞士日內瓦大學(xué)隆重舉行，大會(huì )主題：“迷亂時(shí)代的社會(huì )關(guān)系”（Social Relations in Turbulent Times）。會(huì )議入選論2800篇(availability)，其中83.98%來(lái)自歐洲各國，10.72%來(lái)自亞洲，2.4%來(lái)自北美，0.72%來(lái)自非洲和大洋洲，0.61%來(lái)自南美洲。來(lái)自世界各地的參會(huì )代表約3000人，聚焦于迷亂時(shí)代中的經(jīng)濟崩潰、金融危機、日常生活壓力等諸多社會(huì )現象，給出社會(huì )學(xué)家面對這些問(wèn)題所作的思考與想象。

正如大會(huì )組織者所說(shuō)：“自社會(huì )學(xué)誕生以來(lái)，有關(guān)社會(huì )問(wèn)題被多種話(huà)語(yǔ)系統所定義、所闡釋。然而，當今，我們正處于一個(gè)迷亂的時(shí)代：社會(huì )不平等日趨加深、社會(huì )凝聚力正遭到威脅，這使得社會(huì )學(xué)的任務(wù)異常繁重，傳統的定義、概念、系統都難以做出有力的回答，因此，需要社會(huì )學(xué)家身處“逆境”，共同探索新的思想、新的觀(guān)點(diǎn)、新的觀(guān)察視角、新的研究方法，去理解和解釋未來(lái)社會(huì )的走向。這2800篇論文都從不同的角度作出了探索性的回答。本次大會(huì )之所以討論‘社會(huì )關(guān)系’問(wèn)題，因為這是社會(huì )學(xué)的核心問(wèn)題。”

這里說(shuō)明一點(diǎn)，最初我把Turbulent理解成“喧囂”，開(kāi)過(guò)會(huì )議，覺(jué)得“喧囂”一詞并沒(méi)有真正把握會(huì )議所要表達的思想。在中文的詞匯中“喧囂”僅指聲音的雜亂和不清凈，但我們這個(gè)時(shí)代絕不僅僅是聲音的雜亂和不清凈。采用“迷亂”一詞也許稍微靠點(diǎn)譜，“迷”：迷失方向、失去判斷能力。“亂”：沒(méi)有秩序、混亂、騷亂、禍亂、惑亂、戰爭。看來(lái)“迷亂”比較貼切，在一定意義上可以寓意這個(gè)時(shí)代的特征。“迷亂”可以與此次會(huì )議的各種文本，包括代表證的封面設計圖案相呼應：烏云翻滾的天空，一駕迷失方向的飛機不知飛往何方！

9月7日下午四點(diǎn)，開(kāi)幕式在距日內瓦大學(xué)不遠處的維多利亞大廳舉行。大廳分上下三層，金碧輝煌，建于1891至1893年之間，為榮耀的維多利亞女王而建。

大會(huì )沒(méi)有主席臺，沒(méi)有會(huì )幅，沒(méi)有背板，只有一幅多媒體屏幕、講臺和主持人席位。校長(cháng)、市長(cháng)、大區區長(cháng)均坐落場(chǎng)下側席。

大會(huì )首先在瑞士民間樂(lè )器阿爾卑斯號角（Alphorn）的演奏中拉開(kāi)序幕。曲目是2008年奧運會(huì )主題曲《我和你》，優(yōu)美的旋律和美好的愿景引起與會(huì )代表內心的共鳴，引來(lái)陣陣掌聲。想必是組織者對曲目的精心選擇。

大會(huì )由日內瓦大學(xué)社會(huì )學(xué)系主任主持，日內瓦大學(xué)總務(wù)長(cháng)、校長(cháng)、日內瓦市長(cháng)、日內瓦大區省長(cháng)，歐洲國際社會(huì )學(xué)協(xié)會(huì )會(huì )長(cháng)依次致辭。

歐洲國際社會(huì )學(xué)協(xié)會(huì )會(huì )長(cháng)對整個(gè)會(huì )議概況做了介紹以及回顧了此前的各項工作。之后，參加2011—2013年歐洲社會(huì )學(xué)協(xié)會(huì )新一屆理事會(huì )的22位候選人，依次向所有代表做自我介紹，以及未來(lái)的雄心。主席候選人二位，執委會(huì )候選人20位，選出主席1人，執委會(huì )成員10人。為差額選舉。

閉幕式在9月10日上午11:00-12:30舉行，并公布新當選的理事會(huì )主席及成員名單。

整個(gè)會(huì )議包括：4場(chǎng)Plenary Sessions, 12場(chǎng)Semi-Plenary Sessions，12場(chǎng)Special Sessions,從33個(gè)專(zhuān)題研究中安排611場(chǎng)小組會(huì )。9場(chǎng)作者與讀者見(jiàn)面會(huì )。

大會(huì )為每位代表提供一個(gè)磁卡，那里含有本次大會(huì )所有的數據、信息。還給每個(gè)代表一個(gè)ID，可以免費上網(wǎng)。會(huì )場(chǎng)利用了大學(xué)的教室、公共大課堂，均備有多媒體設備。

9月8日上午大會(huì )主題發(fā)言，專(zhuān)題演講均全面開(kāi)始。

三位歐洲學(xué)者在演講中探討了壓力的類(lèi)型、歐洲壓力的特征，以及相互依存、沖突和控制的問(wèn)題，比如來(lái)自瑞士的哲學(xué)家Erik VerKooyen說(shuō)，“誰(shuí)知道日內瓦是在天堂還是在地獄？！？沒(méi)有路。他認為，現在是個(gè)人資本主義時(shí)代。劍橋大學(xué)John Urry ,認為人類(lèi)正處于迷亂時(shí)代的一個(gè)峰值

What kind of pressure? What kind of Europe? Interdependency, Conflict and Control

主題：“Life Trajectories in Turbulent Times”，有三位學(xué)者演講，題目分別是：

Vulnerabilities of the Life Course, Vulnerabilities of Knowledge and “Sociological Imagination

在另一組專(zhuān)題演講中，主題：Sociology for Turbulent Times：Views From Around the World, 有三位學(xué)者演講，題目分別是：

閉幕式的主題：The Future of Capitalism, 聯(lián)合國教科文組織總干事Syvia Walby先生發(fā)表了主題演講；倫敦城市大學(xué)John Solomos教授主講了Thinking about Race and Racism in a Global Context.

在各個(gè)專(zhuān)題組的發(fā)言中Semi Plenary Session Program (共28個(gè)專(zhuān)業(yè)委員會(huì ))，涉及12方面的主題：迷亂時(shí)代的個(gè)人與社會(huì )，價(jià)值，未來(lái)和勞動(dòng)力市場(chǎng)“Migration: Ethic Relations, Racism and Biographic Perspectives on Migration”, “Threat and Risk to the Environment”，“Science Theory and Method”, “The Bologna Process and Sociology”, “歐洲人的福利和教育”, “金融危機：經(jīng)濟下滑（meltdown），勞動(dòng)力市場(chǎng)和性別”，“作為社會(huì )學(xué)知識的一個(gè)問(wèn)題：誠信危機”，“性別、不平等和危機：朝著(zhù)持續發(fā)展和福利”，“青年人和不景氣的世界”，“文化、藝術(shù)和宗教”，“傳媒和消費”，“市民社會(huì )”。

Special Sessions：當代資本主義研究，法語(yǔ)討論工作場(chǎng),教育問(wèn)題專(zhuān)題工作會(huì )議。

Session1/Book:”Social Vulnerability in Europe: The New Configuration of Social Risks” by MacMillan:London,2010

Session2/Book:“Qualitative Research ,Theory, Method and Practice” by Sage London,2010

Session3/Book: Unmasking Age: The Significance of Age for Social Research” by Polity Press,2011

Sessions4/Book: “Social Capital and Sport Governance in Europe,” by Taylor and Francis,2010.

Session5/Book: “Consumption Challenged: Food medialised in Medialised Everyday lives” by Ashgate,2011

Session7/Book: “Social Theory in the Twentieth Century and Beyond” By Polity,2010

Session8/Book: “Transnational Families: Ethnicities, Identities and Social Capital” by Boutledge,2010

Session9/Book: “Families Configuration: A Structure Approach to Family Diversity” by Ashgate,2010

(15) Health and Healthcare in Europe in Challenge and Uncertain Times. (16)Industrial Relations, Labor Market, Institutions and Employment

(6)Socio-Anthropological Approaches to Transnational Migrations, Migrant Families and Migrant Practices

我與劉耳合作的論文“中國城市化進(jìn)程中市民與農民工沖突之辨：社會(huì )文化學(xué)的視角”，并在“Culture, Politics and Conflicts”專(zhuān)題小組中發(fā)言。

大會(huì )每天編發(fā)ESA News of The Day ，介紹前一天會(huì )議的主要內容，或重要思想觀(guān)點(diǎn)。

比如第一天的ESA News of The Day 中有記者對多位學(xué)者的采訪(fǎng)。“這里為什么是社會(huì )學(xué)家聚集的地方”？西班牙學(xué)者羅爾說(shuō)：我在這里度假，我也更想知道社會(huì )發(fā)生了什么，我們能為個(gè)體和社會(huì )作出學(xué)術(shù)性的工作。葡萄牙學(xué)者配希羅說(shuō)：我們可以從社會(huì )學(xué)中汲取更多的思考社會(huì )問(wèn)題的方法，以及來(lái)自不同文化背景的共同興趣。以色列學(xué)者恩尼特說(shuō)：社會(huì )學(xué)給你更開(kāi)闊的視野。

大會(huì )記者采訪(fǎng)歐洲社會(huì )學(xué)協(xié)會(huì )的協(xié)調人圣?加倫大學(xué)（ST·Gallen University）托瑪斯·伊貝爾，請他談“迷亂時(shí)代的社會(huì )學(xué)”問(wèn)題時(shí)，記者問(wèn)，本次大會(huì )主題：迷亂時(shí)代的社會(huì )關(guān)系，我們能說(shuō)社會(huì )學(xué)本身已進(jìn)入了一個(gè)迷亂時(shí)代嗎？或者說(shuō)：它已經(jīng)存在？伊貝爾說(shuō)：不是社會(huì )學(xué)的迷亂時(shí)代，社會(huì )學(xué)是研究社會(huì )現象的，而是社會(huì )學(xué)正處于一個(gè)迷亂時(shí)代，這次大會(huì )的主題我們只所以選擇“社會(huì )關(guān)系”問(wèn)題，因為“社會(huì )關(guān)系”是社會(huì )學(xué)的核心問(wèn)題。社會(huì )關(guān)系涉及行動(dòng)（活動(dòng)）、相互活動(dòng)、交流溝通、情感因素等與他人、與制度、與體制、與物質(zhì)發(fā)生聯(lián)系。我們可以觀(guān)察不同的社會(huì )領(lǐng)域，比如公共空間，私人空間、工作空間、家庭空間等等。我們只所以選擇“時(shí)代”這個(gè)話(huà)題，的確，時(shí)代越來(lái)越迷亂，經(jīng)濟危機、金融危機，我們不得不考慮它對社會(huì )各個(gè)領(lǐng)域的影響。

記者又問(wèn)：你是怎樣體驗“迷亂時(shí)代”的？答：通過(guò)媒體我觀(guān)察到，無(wú)論是在阿拉伯世界，還是在法國南部，你都可以可以看見(jiàn)許多無(wú)業(yè)的青年，從經(jīng)濟和未來(lái)的角度看，我擔憂(yōu)我們將會(huì )突然發(fā)現我們的周?chē)教幎加惺I(yè)的人。當下法國出口產(chǎn)業(yè)崩潰（Export Industry Collapse），瑞士有更高的兌換率，這些正在改變我們的生活空間。他說(shuō)：迷亂出現在所有地方。

歐洲社會(huì )學(xué)協(xié)會(huì )歷時(shí)三天，2800篇論文涉及了社會(huì )學(xué)的方方面面，既有傳統話(huà)語(yǔ)系統的聲音，也有傳統學(xué)術(shù)框架的傾履，表明了歐洲社會(huì )學(xué)就是在這種否定之否定中上升，并不斷生成新思想、新觀(guān)點(diǎn)、新方法。給我突出的印象是：

（一）、歐洲社會(huì )學(xué)秉承國際社會(huì )學(xué)協(xié)會(huì )宗旨：通過(guò)觀(guān)察與科學(xué)方法描述、解釋、預見(jiàn)社會(huì )以及社會(huì )變化，為決策者、管理者最終選擇“應該怎么樣”提供幫助。幫助人們掌握科學(xué)的社會(huì )知識，對社會(huì )結構、社會(huì )制度、社會(huì )關(guān)系等諸多方面采取理性與符合規律的認識。社會(huì )學(xué)家雖然不能直接參與社會(huì )決策，但可以用他們的智慧和遠見(jiàn)卓識影響社會(huì )的進(jìn)程。

（二）、歐洲社會(huì )學(xué)家具有強烈的危機意識，把握和預見(jiàn)社會(huì )問(wèn)題的能力，他們在學(xué)術(shù)表達過(guò)程中客觀(guān)、中立，不被各種政治派別所左右，不做政府或利益集團的應聲蟲(chóng)。他們思想活躍，有各種形式的學(xué)術(shù)交流，有成熟、穩定的學(xué)術(shù)共同體。當然，目前的經(jīng)濟危機影響了各種資助經(jīng)費的獲得。接觸到的一些代表都談到了這個(gè)問(wèn)題。甚至有文章專(zhuān)門(mén)討論社會(huì )學(xué)如何擺脫金融危機的負面影響。這是迷亂時(shí)代社會(huì )學(xué)正面臨的壓力。

（三）、參加歐洲的學(xué)術(shù)會(huì )議，總會(huì )讓我想起凡勃倫（Thorstein Veblen）提出的“‘準學(xué)術(shù)’與‘準藝術(shù)’的休閑方式，就其所產(chǎn)生的后果來(lái)說(shuō)，都是美妙的、高超的”這句話(huà)。這是歐洲的學(xué)術(shù)傳統，是歐洲人的休閑傳統。歐洲的會(huì )議一般都安排在度假期，會(huì )議舉辦地都“風(fēng)景如畫(huà)”。許多代表都是“拖家帶口”，或是夫妻同行。孩子們從小跟隨家長(cháng)接受學(xué)術(shù)氛圍的熏陶，也游歷大好河山。而學(xué)術(shù)本身也是休閑的一項內容，這個(gè)傳統就是這樣一代又一代傳下來(lái)的。歐洲人文化資本也是這樣積累的。

（四）、歐洲學(xué)者參與學(xué)術(shù)的熱情，從一個(gè)側面表明文化實(shí)力的強大，至今，社會(huì )學(xué)的理論創(chuàng )新、方法創(chuàng )新仍來(lái)源于歐美國家，因此，他們在世界上占據很強的話(huà)語(yǔ)權。從參會(huì )代表的地域分布看，歐洲學(xué)者占其83.98%，也就是說(shuō)大約2500人是歐洲各國來(lái)的。歐洲大大小小43個(gè)國家，7.2億人口，這個(gè)比例夠高的。10.72%來(lái)自亞洲，從名冊看，日本學(xué)者大概占據絕大多數，而中國學(xué)者寥寥無(wú)幾，我在那里看到了來(lái)自中國少年兒童研究中心的一行五人，以“觀(guān)察員”身份出席，沒(méi)有提交論文。其它偶見(jiàn)的中國人也都是客居于它國。從這個(gè)意義上說(shuō)，中國學(xué)者在國際舞臺參與思想交流的人太少，文化實(shí)力差距太遠，文化輸出的能力太微弱。

（五）、瑞士以精準的制表業(yè)而聞名于世，日內瓦亦是一個(gè)世界會(huì )展之都。通過(guò)這次會(huì )議體驗到了瑞士何以能成為一流的世界會(huì )展之都。首先，會(huì )議組織高度科技化，從發(fā)布信息、提交論文、論文發(fā)布、網(wǎng)上報到與注冊、繳費、實(shí)時(shí)信息等等環(huán)節都利用互聯(lián)網(wǎng)，而且高效、便利、易操作。3000人的大會(huì )紋絲不亂。其次，會(huì )議組織簡(jiǎn)單、簡(jiǎn)約、簡(jiǎn)樸，毫無(wú)鋪張浪費。第三，學(xué)術(shù)會(huì )議，學(xué)術(shù)唱主角。學(xué)者之間人人平等——氣氛平等、交流平等，協(xié)會(huì )的頭頭們都以普通學(xué)者的身份參與各個(gè)小組的討論。第四，注冊費收取合理，顯然不以營(yíng)利為目的。在大會(huì )為每一位代表提供的特制U盤(pán)里，不僅含有2800篇會(huì )議論文摘要，而且有歐洲社會(huì )學(xué)前沿的文章、討論等等，讓人感到“貨真價(jià)實(shí)”和“物有所值”。

中國正在塑造文化形象，把發(fā)展文化作為未來(lái)的國家戰略，這是新亮點(diǎn)和新起點(diǎn)。國家文化形象，不僅靠輸出藝術(shù)演出、娛樂(lè )節目、動(dòng)漫設計、影視傳媒，在黃金地段打廣告等具象化的文化產(chǎn)品，而且要靠輸出思想、輸出高水平的人文學(xué)者、輸出最新的思想方法、輸出對社會(huì )觀(guān)察的最新視角等等來(lái)贏(yíng)取國際同行的認可與信賴(lài)。我們關(guān)起門(mén)來(lái)唱得再熱鬧，也不過(guò)是自?shī)首詷?lè )。也不能光請進(jìn)來(lái)，而走不出去。越走不出去，我們的視野越有限，也越自以為是和妄自尊大。

中國文化實(shí)力的提升，有賴(lài)于人文社科、哲學(xué)、藝術(shù)、宗教的全面繁榮。

臺灣學(xué)友李明宗先生看過(guò)此文初稿后與我說(shuō)，如果他翻譯也許將turbulent譯為“動(dòng)蕩”一詞。查了《現代漢語(yǔ)詞典》，“動(dòng)蕩”被如是解：“波浪起伏；（局勢、情況）不穩定；不平靜。”但是，當今的時(shí)代是“迷”：迷失方向和失去判斷力，這是“亂”、“不穩定”、“不平靜”的根源。因此，本文仍用“迷亂”一詞。李明宗先生不僅就此與之討論，而且發(fā)現文中多處謬誤，并對文中的文字做了細致的修訂，在此致以誠摯的謝意。

附：馬惠娣劉耳論文（英文摘要）

The Conflict between Urban Residents and Migrant workers

During the Process of Urbanization in China

MA Huidi

Center for Leisure Studies

Chinese Academy of Arts

LIU Er

School of Humanities and Social Sciences

Harbin Institute of Technology

An Outline

A. Contributions of Migrant workers to China's Urbanization

According to statistics from government authorities, the number of migrant workers, who have become the mainstay for "Made in China" and an important component of China's industrial workers, has reached 240 million.? They make up 57.6% of the work force for the industrial sector, 52.5% of that for commerce and restaurant industry, 68.2% of that for manufacturing, and 79.8% of that for the construction industry.? It has been estimated that an average migrant worker is creating 25 thousand yuan of GDP a year, which means migrant workers as a whole is creating 5.7 trillion yuan of GDP a year.

B. The Status of Migrant workers' Life in the City

The following is a summary of relevant statistics from various sources:

The average peasant worker earns 1747.87 yuan a month, or only 57.4% that earned by the average urban worker (3046.61 yuan).
The percentages of migrant workers participating in endowment, medical, unemployment, work injury, and maternity insurances are 67.7%, 77.4%, 55.9%, 70.3% and 30.7%, respectively, which are 23.7%, 14.6%, 29.1%, 9.1%, and 30.8%, respectively, lower than the figures for workers who are urban residents.
In terms of safety on the job, 36.5% migrant workers have to face working under high- or low-temperature conditions, 41.3% work in noise-polluted environments, 36% have work environments with hazards of mechanical failure that can easily lead to physical injury, and 34.7% work in environments with dust pollution.
In terms of work hours, only 29% work 6-8 hours, while 44.4% work 8-10 hours, and 20.4% work more than 10 hours a day.
they tend to have poor living conditions, with only 19% having housing with heating, toilet, bathroom, and kitchen, while more than 80% peasant-worker households lack these facilities.
Especially those doing hard work in the service sector, hardly have any leisure time, for they often have to go to work before dawn and come home after the moon is up, and sometimes having insufficient time even just to meet the need for rest as a biological being.

C. Major Areas of Conflict between Residents and Migrant workers

1) Wage

Among migrant workers legally entitled to overtime compensation, 54% never get paid, and 20% only occasionally get paid for overtime. 76% of work on holidays without being paid according to wage levels stipulated by the national government.

2) Education for Their Children

Education for one's children is among the central problems for those who come from rural areas to work in the city. They are close to 20 million children at ages for mandatory education who come to the city with their parents, but close to 200 thousands of these children have either been unable to attend a school or have dropped out.? In August this year, the municipal government suddenly gave out an order to have 24 schools for children of migrant workers demolished, bringing the prospect of tens of thousands of children losing their opportunity for education.

3) Impoverished Cultural and Spiritual Life

Migrant workers hardly have any time for leisure, not to mention any cultural activities or aesthetic pursuits.

D. Major Manifestations of the Conflict

1) Discrimination: migrant workers are often driven around

2) Lack of welfare: no social security, no medical insurance, and no personal insurance

3) Taking revenge on the society: migrant workers are involved in many criminal cases, often acting out of hatred for the rich man and for government officials

E. Main Causes for the Conflict

1) Lack of institutional guarantees for a decent and dignified life

2) Lack of policies providing sufficient life space

3) Lack of institutional guarantees for political participation

4) Lack of institutional guarantees for personal development

5) Lack of humanistic concerns in the process of urbanization

6) Lack of patterns of rural space and culture

7) Lack of respection derisively as “waidi ren,” or outsiders, or second-class citizens.

8) Lack of hukou system (the mean to obtain an urban residence permit, called a hukou), as it is called, has created a two-tiered population in many Chinese cities: those with legal residency and those without.

Conclusion

Though urbanization is a central tenet of the China government the latest five-year economic plan for the country just released, the 250 million rural migrants who are expected to move to cities in the next 15 years could become a source of social unrest unless the ID system is reformed. Having that many second-class citizens in Chinese cities is dangerous.

The conflict between resident and migrant also reflect the reality society in china is unbalance and unharmonious on the city and rural, culture and economy, tradition and contemporary and belief and utilitarian

In fact, GDP rapid growth Numbers and more a place where rise up modern cities could not conceal already social problems. Although, the government has been aware of the seriousness of the problems, but the corruption, “face projects” mean gaudy, officials make a shows and Rigid system were popular wherever in china，so the problem is difficult to solve.

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